Southern Africa’s liberation parties lose their political edge
In the SADC region’s independence-led nations, entrenched parties face corruption, voter distrust and economic challenges.
In a nutshell
- High unemployment plagues SADC nations under the liberation parties
- Corruption undermines policy execution across the region
- Ideological rigidity hampers effective policy reforms and innovation
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In Southern Africa, the elections held in various countries in 2024 revealed that long-established liberation parties are struggling to maintain their power. The goodwill from ending colonial rule is slowly fading as citizens grow tired of persistent economic woes and youth unemployment. For example, South African voters turned away from the African National Congress (ANC), the party famously led by anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela in the 1990s. In the May 2024 general election, the ANC lost its majority, forcing it to form a coalition with the opposition.
To come to terms with the electoral upheavals rocking the region, the ANC reached out to its ideological allies by organizing the annual Liberation Movements Summit in July of this year. The summit was themed “Defending the Liberation Gains, Advancing Integrated Socio-Economic Development, Strengthening Solidarity for a Better Africa.” Participants included independence parties from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) such as Tanzania’s Chama Cha Mapinduzi, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola, Namibia’s South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO), and the Mozambique Liberation Front (Frelimo).
The summit also drew attendees from beyond the SADC region, including senior representatives from the Palestinian National Liberation Movement and the Western Sahara’s Polisario Front. It was hard to miss the presence of the Chinese Communist Party at the summit, represented by Liu Jianchao, former head of the International Department.
The gathering took place against the backdrop of global power shifts reshaping international relations. Rising tensions among superpowers like China, the United States and Russia – over security and economics – have pushed African nations to seek stronger regional unity to navigate global affairs.
The idea of “confronting the future together” served as a clarion call of the summit, highlighting the vulnerability of these political parties in an increasingly unpredictable global landscape. Building solidarity through a shared history of guiding nations toward independence is a valid starting point for most of the dominant political parties in the SADC. The region’s political, social and economic landscape is still predominantly shaped by the ideals of liberation politics. Therefore, the principle behind the summit is clear.
However, the real question is whether the independence parties throughout the region can realistically achieve the necessary unity to address current challenges. Can they regain the trust of the marginalized communities that are striving for a better life and meaningful integration into the rapid global development that others, far removed from the region, are experiencing?
Living under the former liberation parties
Given the experience of many so far, it is crucial to ask whether African nations that gained independence through liberation movements need to revive the emancipation agenda to achieve modernization and, ultimately, enhance the living standards of their citizens.
Simply put, what has primarily hindered modernization and economic development in regions governed by former independence parties? In several countries where these parties have maintained prolonged governance, there has been substantial mismanagement of resources and a disregard for voter needs. This situation has resulted in soaring unemployment rates and, in some instances, even full-blown economic collapse. A striking example can be seen in Zimbabwe under the ZANU-PF party, where policies such as aggressive land reforms and poor economic management triggered hyperinflation and widespread poverty.
The youth in Southern Africa are now prioritizing government accountability, job creation and fundamental freedoms over past struggles against colonization.
In the SADC region, a notable issue is the lack of accountability among dominant liberation parties and the growing disconnect between these parties and the electorate. A prime example can be seen in South Africa, where the ANC struggles to move beyond its legacy. This historical context hinders the ANC, preventing it from evolving into a modern, accountable force that addresses today’s complexities and drives economic growth.
This situation regionally is further complicated by a dynamic, young population that has begun to challenge the entrenched parties, which have historically relied on their postcolonial era credentials to maintain power. The youth in Southern Africa are now prioritizing government accountability, job creation and fundamental freedoms over past struggles against colonization.
Some former anti-colonial parties have controversially maintained their grip on power, often against the will of the voters. Mozambique’s Frelimo led the country to independence in 1975 and has governed uninterrupted since then. In the October 2024 elections, Frelimo faced accusations of fraud, including ballot stuffing and voter intimidation, as reported by independent observers. These significant irregularities enabled Frelimo’s candidate, Daniel Chapo, to claim over 70 percent of the vote, triggering nationwide protests by disillusioned youth that resulted in hundreds of deaths. The postelection violence highlights Frelimo’s ongoing control as a major obstacle to the country’s progress.
Independence parties in the SADC have struggled to meaningfully persuade one another to prioritize democracy and heed the electorate’s voice. Their sense of solidarity appears to manifest only when facing external threats, such as perceived Western overreach. Unfortunately, this solidarity does not extend to a commitment to upholding democratic principles, such as good governance and the transfer of power.
During his speech at the Zimbabwe Agricultural Show in Harare in August, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa praised the controversial land reform policy enacted in the 2000s during Robert Mugabe’s presidency, referring to it as a “necessary step” to address historical injustices. This statement ignores the stark consequences of the land seizures under Mugabe’s rule, which triggered Zimbabwe’s economic collapse.
For an extended period, South Africa adopted a strategy termed “quiet diplomacy” in its dealings with Zimbabwe. (Quiet diplomacy is a low-key approach to international relations where diplomats conduct back-channel negotiations to resolve issues.) This approach proved ineffective in persuading ZANU-PF to abandon policies and programs harmful to Zimbabweans. The ANC-led government glossed over the wishes of the Zimbabwean electorate and prioritized its shared history with ZANU-PF, emphasizing solidarity among liberation movements. This approach of Pretoria toward the Mugabe administration was heavily criticized by the West and many within South Africa as well.
More by African affairs expert Ralph Mathekga
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- Voter preferences are shifting in South Africa
The pitfalls of ideology and liberation movements
During the Liberation Movements Summit, Chinese representative Liu emphasized the importance for freedom parties to explore various paths of modernization that align with their unique national circumstances. Despite the differing conditions in each country, a common challenge facing the region has been the pervasive issue of corruption, which has weakened the state’s ability to implement policies.
Ideological rigidity in these political systems stifles innovation and blocks effective policies for societal challenges. Even by China’s standards as a one-party state, African liberation parties often lack the focus and resolve necessary to confront the issues arising from modern society. The summit was overly preoccupied with ideologically driven messages, which are insufficient to address contemporary issues effectively.
Scenarios
Likely: Liberation parties cling to old ideologies amid electoral setbacks
Independence parties in the SADC are facing a sharp electoral decline, as evidenced by the situations with Frelimo and the ANC. Some of these parties are resorting to undemocratic practices to maintain power. But this is irreversible as they struggle to adapt and evolve into modern political entities capable of addressing the challenges faced by the societies they govern. Instead, these liberation parties will continue to foster solidarity with like-minded peers, focusing more on historical ideologies rather than the pragmatism and innovation required for today’s political landscape.
As the independence parties continue to cling to power in the region, young people are increasingly disengaging from political processes and losing faith in voting. This will further fuel discontent and rising social tensions as governments fail to provide basic services and resort to undemocratic practices to stay in power.
The electoral decline is predominantly viewed not as a consequence of inefficient governance, but rather as a result of interference by Western powers seeking retribution against these parties. This situation often amplifies calls for solidarity against external forces and imperialism. As these parties face deteriorating electoral support, they may adopt a more radical and ideological stance on domestic issues. The shift can also be seen in the unrealistic solutions and policies they propose, which exacerbate existing problems and widen the disconnect between the parties and their voters.
Unlikely: Modernization is embraced and democratic reforms are implemented
Liberation parties will explore pathways for modernization, starting with their own internal renewal processes to better adapt and lead in today’s dynamic societies. These parties will implement peer-review measures to collaborate on improving democratic culture and practices within their ranks, fostering governance that is both open and transparent. Additionally, they will view the loss of political power and the rotation of leadership as valuable opportunities for reflection on how to improve their relationship with voters.
Furthermore, liberation parties will adopt competitive politics as a core requirement to ensure good governance, based on the experience of mismanagement under a single-party dominant system that has characterized postliberation politics in the region.
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